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By Merrill Singer

A better half to the Anthropology of Environmental Health offers a suite of readings that make the most of a clinical anthropological method of discover the interface of people and the surroundings within the shaping of overall healthiness and affliction round the world.

  • Features the most recent ethnographic study from world wide on the topic of the a number of affects of our surroundings on well-being and of societies on their environments
  • Includes contributions from overseas scientific anthropologists, conservationists, environmental specialists, public healthiness pros, healthiness clinicians, and different social scientists
  • Analyzes the stipulations of cultural and social transformation that accompany environmental and ecological affects in all components of the world
  • Offers serious views on theoretical and methodological developments within the anthropology of environmental health and wellbeing, besides destiny instructions within the field 

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These families are often forcibly kicked off the land. Promises of compensa­ tion are broken. Often people are violently evicted by hired thugs. This pattern is seen, for example, in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, Brazil where agribusiness expansion, particularly of sugar cane (from 160,000 hectares in 2007 to 570,000 hectares between in 2012) has been linked to a significant jump in the level of violence against indigenous people (Oxfam International 2014b). Demand for sugar in developed nations, leading to rising international sugar prices, has enhanced agribusiness commitment to acquiring additional land for sugar production in a Brazilian state in which land title often is not registered and indigenous food producers cannot match the legal and other resources, including the use of violence, employed by agribusinesses seeking to expand their acreage.

Added to the critiques of biomedical individualism and disregard for women is the point that roughly 70 percent of breast cancer cases in the US do not correlate with the list of “established” risks, undermining their explanatory value beyond quite specific instances (Kelsey and Berkowitz 1988; Kelsey and Gammon 1990; ACS 2014). ” Virginia Lewiston, a participant in the initial ethnographic interviews I ­conducted (1991–1994) and thereafter, commented that it was impossible to “make sense” of her own breast cancer diagnosis by “looking inward,” so as to locate the causal forces through her life history and/or strategies for raising a family: I had been a political activist for more than ten years and had enough of a political perspective to know that it didn’t make sense for me to have breast cancer.

Environmental Health from Global to Local (pp. 961–987). San Francisco, CA: Jossey‐Bass. Katsouyanni, K. 2003. ” British Medical Bulletin, 68(1): 143–156. Lippmann, M. 1993. ” Journal of Exposure Analysis and Environmental Epidemiology, 13: 103–129. Little, P. 2014. Toxic Town: IBM, Pollution and Industrial Risks. New York: New York University Press. , and Hasemyer, D. 2014. Big Oil, Bad Air: Fracking the Eagle Ford Shale of South Texas. Washington, DC: Center for Public Integrity. Nash, L. 2006.

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